Ham the Promoter of Freedom
Park's counter-measures on the reaction of civil rights activists and political dissidents were becoming even more outrageous. In August 1973, a former presidential candidate and an associate of Ham, Kim Daejung, was kidnapped from Tokyo, where he had criticised Park's dictatorial measures. As early as August 1971, in order to prevent Park's further military dictatorship, Ham and Kim Daejung organised the Minju Suho Kungmin Hyopui-hoe [National Council for the Protection of Democracy: NCPD], when he held public meetings and lectures throughout South Korea. But in January 1975 Park dissolved the NCPD by force and Ham was promptly jailed and investigated by the military court as the main leader of the NCPD.
In the 1970s the Korean Church developed in two directions, on the one hand a majority emphasising further church membership expansion and on the other hand a minority emphasising socio-political responsibility. Between 1970 and 1979 the membership of Protestant groups grew tremendously, from over 1.8 million to over 3.6 million. Despite the massive evangelical enthusiasm of the Korean Church, Ham defined the Bible and the life and lessons of Jesus from the standpoint of his socio-political struggles and the suffering of the Korean people.
As James Huntley Grayson pointed out, while Korean Church Growth had certainly been a notable achievement, it caused immense problems for Christian education and training. A major topic of the ministry was a focus on the belief in a desire for blessings in this life rather than any social concern. Attendance at church and ardent prayer along with faith created a situation in which a person would be blessed. It is at this point that the clan character of Korean culture reveals itself in the stress on the expansion and achievement of the local church when confronted with denominational endeavours. Assistance for denominational works was abandoned in favour of the construction of a large church building in each locality.
While Ham taught Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, the Bible and Quakerism in public, he also held a 'Forum on the Present Circumstances' in December 1973. Through this Forum Ham circulated a proclamation calling for a guarantee of basic rights, the threefold division of powers of the government, and a transfer of political power through new elections. Consequently, the anti-Yusin campaign by intellectual and civil rights leaders climaxed in the "one million citizens petition for a democratic amendment of the Yusin Constitution". The leading organiser of this campaign was Chang Chunha. Under Ham's active support, within ten days of the petition movement, Chang had obtained 400,000 signatories. Feeling a sense of alarm, Park imprisoned Chang the next day.
In November 1974, Ham established the Minju Hoebok Kungmin Hoeui (National Congress for the Restoration of Democracy: NCRD) together with Yun Poson and Kim Daejung, and became Chairman. The NCRD represented the extra-parliamentary opposition (Chae-ya) movement at a national level, since the official opposition party had not been able to act effectively due to the introduction of the Yusin constitution. The NCRD set up branch organisations in the provinces, districts and cities. As a result, by March 1975, the number of local branches had reached about 50. By this time, the NCRD had also issued "The Charter for a Democratic People", which declared resistance to all legal and institutional apparatus which obstructed democracy. The Charter proposed three principles for democratic resistance: non-violence, civil disobedience and unity with all democratic forces.
Meanwhile, during 1974 alone, more than 1,000 demonstrators were detained, and approximately 180 were imprisoned for various periods of time, and eight university students were executed. In particular, Chang Chunha was detained with his associates, was "hung upside down and simultaneously burned with a flame on several parts of his body," and was sentenced to 15 years by a military court despite the fact that he was a civilian. Chang was released within several months but soon was found dead on a mountain. It was 1975. The reason for his death has still not been clarified today.
On 8 April, 1975 Park delivered Emergency Decree 7, entirely banning campus rallies, prohibiting public criticism of the Park regime, and ordering the army to occupy Korea [Koryo] University, a focal point of campus agitation. However, the civil upheaval continued and several dissidents were jailed. A month later, Emergency Decree 9 was added for the sake of "National Security and Public Order". The consequences of Emergency Decree 9 were substantial. It effectively killed off all objections to the Yusin scheme by outlawing any kind of criticism of the constitution. The question of national security was used as an effective ideological weapon to excuse curbs on the dissidents. Like Syngman Rhee, Park also regarded his political opponents as enemies, or even Communists. Correspondingly Park's henchmen labelled Ham and his followers as 'agitators', 'subversive activists' and even 'Communist sympathisers'.
The political milieu following the issuing of Emergency Decree 9 was dominated for some time by the ascendancy of national security, and the resulting decline of opposition activity. However, within a year of the imposition of Emergency Decree 9, in 1976, a straightforward challenge was staged by a group of distinguished leaders under the label of the "March First Declaration for the Salvation of the Nation". The New York Times reported the March First Incident briefly:
"Leading Seoul Dissidents Ask Resignation of President Park.
SEOUL, South Korea, March 2 - A group of South Korea's most prominent political dissidents have issued a statement here asking the Government to rescind the emergency decree and restore all political freedoms that have been restricted under the 1972 Constitution. Signed and circulated by 12 political and religious figures, the statement asked that President Park Chung Hee resign and take responsibility for what they termed his dictatorial control. Among the signers were former President Yun Po Sun; Kim Dae Jung, the presidential candidate who ran against President Park in 1971; and Ham Sok Hon, a civil rights leader --- "
This bold activity of Ham together with other well-known leaders, became an inspiration to those who persisted in resisting Park's decree. Ham's forthright criticism and opposition to the Park regime not only deprived him of his freedom but also brought international attention and sympathy to his activities. Unlike the New York Times, the British weekly magazine, The Friend, reported on one of the most notable of Ham's trials in a sympathetic way:
"--- HAM SOK HON, the Korean Quaker who has been on trial in Seoul since May of this year in the company of seventeen other Christians. On August 29, sentences of imprisonment were pronounced on all the defendants, Ham Sok Hon receiving eight years. The eighteen convicted are men and women of considerable standing in their country. Ham Sok Hon himself, who is 75, is sometimes referred to as the 'Gandhi of South Korea'. The others include a former president of the republic, a former foreign minister, a presidential candidate who was narrowly defeated by President Park in 1971, two professors of theology, and five priests and ministers. The action which led to the trial was the signing by twelve of the accused of the 'March 1 Declaration for Democratic National Salvation' (March 1 being a significant anniversary for Koreans, of the 1919 independence movement against Japanese rule). This called for the end of emergency measures restricting the freedom of the people, for restoration of parliamentary procedures, and for the independence of the judicial branch of government. It urged the Park regime either to step down or to thoroughly re-examine the country's economic structure."
The purpose of the declaration, as Ham expressed in his trial statement, was to show that desire for the restoration of democracy was a matter of pure conscience: Ham and other signatories had no political ambitions in mind. However, it resulted in the trial for subversion of Ham and other signatories. However, pronouncing sentence the judge declared that Ham and the other defendants had "defamed the constitution", but did not refer to the prosecution's allegation that they had attempted to inspire a popular uprising. Domestically the above action of Ham furnished a stimulus to dissident activity, connected to the notion of civil rights, which had been rising for sometime after the introduction of the Yusin rule. The declaration was followed by a sequence of student rallies and other demonstrations. It also provided initial momentum for the creation of an informal focal point for the dissidents centred around the liberal Christians. For his act, the seventy-five-year-old Ham received an eight year prison sentence and was deprived of his civil rights. During this period of detention in prison, Ham wrote a letter to the British Friends. The letter, in spite of his outer-turmoil, illustrates the calm state of Ham at this time:
"Four o'clock in the morning of August 9, 1976. --- While attending the prayer service last Friday I thought deeply of what to say on August 11, my last chance to make a statement. I experienced an opening into my heart. It was my intention to shake the hands of those who brought us to trial, with words of appreciation for the hard work they had done. This is not the end of the struggle. Rather, while believing completely in my rightness, I must forgive both the judges and prosecution, and pray for them. I feel that God is allowing this long suffering people to be subjected to a test, in order to discipline us in the qualifications of the world to come. I am deeply grateful for the sense that we have been able to prove ourselves worthy of the test thus far. God is alive! I pray that all of you will be healthy, living in the Truth."
The above letter from Ham's prison cell reflects his calm state of mind and affection even towards his opponents. This despite his outward ordeals. At the same time the political pressure from the West regarding the civil rights measures reached Park's regime in South Korea. Subsequently Ham was released not long after this letter was written.
In the meantime, the conflict to secure overtime payment at the Pangnim Textile Company (PTC) is one of the best examples in which the intelligentsia demonstrated a oneness with labourers. The event began with the petitions of women labourers at the PTC. The women declared that they had to work a further half or one hour each morning without payment, in the name of the Saemaul Movement. The PTC allegedly permitted only five to fifteen days annual holidays (including Sundays). Moreover it forced labourers to work until the order was completed, however long that took. Frequently labourers were prevented from leaving the plant before one or two o'clock in the morning. Considering neither PTC nor the Park regime brought about any genuine attempt to address the issue, other than the PTC's aggravation of the labourers' raising the issue, the Yongdungpo Tosi San'op Son'gyohoe [Urban Industrial Mission] sponsored consultations to find a settlement.
As a result of the consultations, on 28 August 1977, a 'Counter-measure Committee Concerning Overdue Wages at the PTC' was created by 103 civilian leaders from diverse backgrounds with Ham as adviser. The Committee started a campaign for help and obtained ten thousand signatures within a month. Following unsuccessful mediations with the Company, it published posters exposing the abuses of the case. An abundance of public rallies and prayer services were conducted, side by side with a campaign to raise funds to support expelled labourers. The labour movement had become a big issue after the death of a young worker, Chon T'aeil (1948-1970), in November 1970: Chon burned himself in order to raise public awareness with regard to the horrible working conditions of P'yonghwa Market labourers.
On the 15 October 1977, Ham and other civil rights leaders, went a step further and created a 'Council for Human Rights of P'yonghwa Market Labourers'. The working environment of the P'yonghwa Market, where some 27,000 labourers were hired in about 900 small clothes production factories, was so inadequate that some apprentices earned below the basic subsistence level ($ 9.50 monthly). The working day of 15-16 hours continued for 6 or 7 days a week. An average of four people worked in one p'yong (about three square metres) in the sweat-shops. In the ensuing 'Human Rights Charter for Labourers of Korea', Ham and other civil rights leaders denounced the "politics of suppression and economy of the privileged" for the miserable predicament of the labourers.